аЯрЁБс>ўџ EGўџџџDџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџџьЅСU@ №П>;bjbjЌ›Ќ› .DЮёЮё62џџџџџџˆ444:n,šššЎжжжж тЎ3 ЖэээВ Д Д Д Д Д Д $щ R;Ди šв ээв в и ššлэ к к к в ššВ к в В к $к ў ššў і рfуь$Фжю мў В  03 ў яЪ яў ЎЎššššяšў ДэєсЎк Œ Зэээи и ЎЎ„2ЄЪ ЎЎ2 SEQ CHAPTER \h \r 1Riley-Smith’s The First Crusaders 1095-1131 In his book The First Crusaders 1095-1131, Jonathon Riley-Smith sets out to explain the reasons why men and women of the late eleventh century joined the first crusade. In doing so, he also discusses the social and religious environments from which the early crusaders came. He supports his arguments with discussions of their experiences and attitudes before, during and after the crusade, as well as their connections with other crusaders through family and social ties. Riley-Smith also argues that some select few families benefited greatly by the crusade, gaining wealth and status, and sets out to explain what allowed these families to so dramatically take over the movement. To begin with, Riley-Smith discusses some of the personal motives for crusading. He notes that the desire for material gain may have been a factor in joining the crusade, but that there was far more on the mind of the early crusader than bringing back treasures and riches from the Holy Land. It is noted, however, that some parts of Europe, particularly France, were in a state of economic strife, and years of poor harvests may have contributed to the desire to leave home. Riley-Smith argues, however, that material wealth was not the primary reason for crusading, so much as an ulterior motive, a beneficial side-effect which arose from the fulfilment of another goal. One possible explanation for the popularity of the crusade is a collective mentality among members of certain families. If, for example, a few members of a particular family took the cross, others would have been inclined to lend support, if not to join the crusade themselves. Through pressure from family members or adherence to tradition, the kin of a given crusader would have likely look more favourably upon the campaign, and a natural inclination to aid a member of the family would have set in. A major point of the crusade was the conquest and protection of Jerusalem. This pinnacle of the Holy Land, and the Holy Sepulchre within, was of immense importance to pilgrims for countless years. For ages pilgrims had travelled to Jerusalem as a form of penance, and the crusade was for some an expansion of this custom. However, it is argued that undertaking a crusade merely for penitential purposes seems unlikely and severe. Indeed, piety had an important part of the crusading ideal, as Riley-Smith continually emphasizes. It was, of course, mostly knights and nobles who stood out among the crusaders. The members of these castes would have been used to the idea of undertaking a pilgrimage, for such things had been done often enough throughout history. Riley-Smith argues that in one of the only differences between the crusade and the pilgrimages of the eleventh century is that it was an act of war as well as piety. Traditionally, pilgrims to the holy land were not allowed to carry weapons, but it is argued that the crusaders “intended war to be an integral part of their penitential exercise” (Riley-Smith 29).1 “Pious violence” was key to this mass pilgrimage. Some of the noble families which rose in status after and during the crusade gained their positions purely through force of arms. The Church, of course, was opposed to the use of violence for profit, but it was justifiable if done under the pretext of serving God. The crusaders themselves had doubts about the violent acts in which they engaged, but they were assured that the destructive aspects of their crusade were done in the name of defending Christianity and God, and were therefore righteous. It would have been impossible, however, to convince those who took the cross that simply lashing out at the Church’s enemies was justifiable. The concept of pious violence was, therefore, married to the age-old concept of the pilgrimage. In this way, violence was viewed as a means of penance, much as the pacifistic pilgrimages of old were. Having established a religious base for the crusaders’ journey, Riley-Smith emphasizes the way in which the crusade was preached. It would naturally have been difficult to persuade people whose faith told them not to pursue violent action that they should attempt to take the Holy Land by force. Pope Urban therefore had to play upon the imaginations and the personal tastes of his audiences.2 Although Urban was no doubt a charismatic, persuasive man, he would have had to appeal to the people in order to convince them to crusade at all. Riley-Smith argues that “the crusade was as much a product of the reactions of men and women who were inspired to join it as of the pope’s intentions.”3 Urban preached the crusade not as the conquest of a place, but also as the defence of Christian people, liberating them from Muslim oppressors. To the notion of a penitential journey, he also attached the ancient concept of knights fighting in God’s service, and he assured participants that the war was an act of Christian charity and mercy. As Urban had convinced the crusaders that their actions would send them along the stairway to heaven, it is argued that the crusade became a quest not for the benefit of Christianity so much as for the crusaders themselves. The crusade was an ends to a means, since accomplishing this dangerous, brutal task could cement a place in heaven. While crusaders came from all across Western Europe, Riley-Smith argues that certain patterns emerged genealogically and geographically, suggesting that family and lordship were key to the motivation of a crusader. Lordship and loyalty were very important to people at this time, and it is partly through these that some decided to take the cross. Many felt pressured to join because their lord was going. Others may have been afraid of their lord’s reactions to those who were unwilling to go. Others still joined to gain the favour of another lord, perhaps to earn a place in their lands through faithful service. Recruitment also was based on family ties. While lordship was important, Riley-Smith mentions that the crusade was more or less dominated by a select few families. These families, he argues, may have been more likely to crusade because of a history of veneration of certain saints, support to programs of papal reform, or a long history of pilgrimages to Jerusalem were important influences on the predominant crusading families. In fact, in future crusades, many crusaders came from the families of those who joined the first. There were whole legions of crusaders that were members of the same family, often through cousinhood or marriage. Riley-Smith argues that lordship seemed to affect areas locally, and that it would have been good for morale for the members of a crusading group to be from the same region, as they would have been travelling with others from their homes and in the service of the same lord. Families, he states, had a greater influence over “chains of recruits linked to one another over great distances”.4 While every crusader took the cross for a different reason, family and lordship were surely important factors in their decisions to leave. Material gain was not the main goal of the early crusaders. In fact, they had to expend vast resources in order to go at all. Since the typical crusader lacked the means to finance their journey, Riley-Smith argues that they would have had to seek unorthodox means to raise funding. Renunciation of disputes with the Church were common, mostly so the crusader could leave with a clear conscience, but in some cases in exchange for money as well. Loans of property in exchange for money were also common, as was the sale of land, although the latter was often disguised as an act of charity. The family played an important role in the financing of the early crusader, as the individual could call upon the resources of his kin to lend him aid in his time of need. Likewise, many crusaders felt it important to make arrangements for any estate they were leaving behind to be kept after by members of their family, especially in the event that the crusader did not return. As much as the early crusader was faced with financial distress by the insurmountable costs of the long journey with which they were faced, many renounced disputes for free and gave endowments to religious communities as the hour of their departure approached. Riley-Smith argues that this may have been out of fear of the clergy, who could have a crusader excommunicated, thus barring his journey to the Holy Land. In this way, many religious communities came to benefit greatly by the “generosity” of departing crusaders. Upon their return to Europe, many of the crusaders were faced with debts they had incurred as a result of their crusade. While the vast majority of the surviving crusaders did not bring with them any form of material wealth, Riley-Smith argues that they nevertheless benefited by gaining honour and status.5 Having returned from the Holy Land, many brought back small relics, which they donated to various religious communities, no doubt improving their social status further by aiding the Church again. It is argued that this newfound prestige could have helped ease financial burdens for some crusaders, since they would have been able to attract more wealthy matches for their children’s marriages. Riley-Smith notes, however, that “prestige has rarely been able to pay all one’s bills”.6 The returning crusaders had to use whatever means were available to pay off any outstanding debts, and more selling of property occurred, just as it had before they left. Having returned from their violent and deadly struggle, most of the crusaders felt no desire to crusade again. Some instead chose to make peaceful pilgrimages, much like those in the years before the crusade.7 There were a few who stayed behind in the east to protect what the crusade had won, but these were a very small minority. Later, religious military orders began to arise, most notably the Templars and the Hospitallers. Riley-Smith argues that the formation of these orders was essentially just building upon the ideal of a crusader. The concept of a religious military order was completely new to Christianity, just as was “the idea of warfare as a penance which provided the basis for its existence”.8 By the time the crusade had finally ended, however, the whole concept lost its lustre, and it was not until decades later when crusading again became a popular idea. Finally, Riley-Smith emphasizes his points regarding the importance of family with an extended example. Giving the story of one of the families that benefited immensely from the crusade, he illustrates that it was in fact dominated by a select few families of European nobles. The Montlhщrys, who are used in this argument, were just one of the families that rose to prominence through connections between crusaders. The fact that so many of the Montlhщrys rose to positions of power and prestige through the crusade demonstrates how important family connections were to the early crusader. The reason for this, as Riley-Smith argues, is that the movement “relied on individual responses [...] support for those responses from relations and lords”.9 All things considered, Riley-Smith effectively and convincingly argues his points. The sheer depth of his research speeds the reader along the road to the same conclusions he himself made. Although the casual reader must sort through much background information in order to discern the true meaning of his arguments, the real story of the mentality of the early crusaders gradually becomes apparent. As a modern student, it is somewhat difficult to understand the motivation of the early crusader, since the typical person views the concept of “pious violence” as somewhat of an oxymoron. Considering, however, the idea that the crusade was viewed as a guarantee of a future in the Heavenly City, and not, in fact, as an excuse to plunder a foreign land, it is a little easier to comprehend the crusader’s rationale. Of course, without the combination of the crusade and the traditional pilgrimage, it is unlikely that the crusade would have attracted as large a following as it did. Thus, Riley-Smith was able to bring to light the major reasons why so many people of the late eleventh century took the cross. Crusaders took the cross not for benefit in the physical world, but for a better position in the spiritual. It is clear that family traditions and connections were key to the gravity of the crusading movement. Considering the importance of the family with regard to recruitment, it is easy to see how a few families managed to manipulate the movement and use their connections to rise to prominence as a result. With these arguments understood, it is much easier for a modern person to understand the mind of the early crusader. 1Jonathon Riley-Smith, The First Crusaders 1095-1131 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1997) 39. 2Riley-Smith 57. 3Riley-Smith 60. 4Riley-Smith 104. 5Riley-Smith 149-150. 6Riley-Smith 152. 7Riley-Smith 166. 8Riley-Smith 160. 9Riley-Smith 188. 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